Tuesday , January 26 2021

Macri's legacy is his foreign policy and the political coalition that supports his presidential re-election



The political construction of Morrisio Macri is an unprecedented historical fact that the current economic crisis is hiding without weakening. Since 1916, Casa Rosada has been occupied by radicals, military, peronists, conservative coalitions, fragile governments backed by Puerto de Jane, honest presidents, bullied by the media and trade unions, bloody dictators, pragmatic and privatizing leaders, alliances destroyed by inefficiency. , who dreams of eternal power. Macri bent on this zigzagging past and developed an unstable coalition that holds chess in Chechnya, and has a chance to win the presidential election in 2019. If it does, there will no longer be dominating parties in Argentina, and Peronism will have no alternative to reconsider their ideology and tactics if they intend to regain control of Balcarce 50.

Turn to the center and the IMF agreement

Macri reads several classical writers, no warlike training, and his political ideas are close to the capitalist story Ayn Rand wrote in The Atlas Revolt. However, The President manifests his personal sensitivity, enslaves his personal prejudices and moves to the center of the ideological scenario when he orders a tremendous state aid for social movements that are trying to hold millions of poor people who are undergoing economic adjustment.

This Makri's solution contains a paradox in the building of power. Leaders of social movements disgusted the president, communicated with Francisco in Santa Marta, and dreamed of the return of Cristina Fernandez to Casa Rosada. CFK, unlike Kambieimos, did nothing to end the political patronage and accepted a non-transparent multi-million dollar allocation, which should take advantage of the most punished levels of Argentina (Hebe de Bonaphine will be sued in this way in a home, and without the dreams of thousands of Peronist voters).

McClure knows that in the elections, parties intended for social movements give zero, but he understands the importance of the state in social exclusion and has long decided not to make political speculation with funds for social movements. This government perspective is used by the Peronist factions who are looking for a presidential candidate to defeat in 2019.

With everything, Makri's sensitivity was not enough to fill his poor knowledge of the adjustment plans implemented by the International Monetary Fund in Latin America. The IMF has popularized the economic measures that have rocked the region, and its soft loans have always led to a vertical fall in wages, pensions, public investment, and objects for the most punished sectors. Macri and her contradictions: it gives millions to social movements that do not vote for it, and adopts the IMF adjustment measures that mercilessly fall into the middle class, the voters who chose him as Daniel Scoli in 2015 and who hesitate to help him again in 2019.

The president trusts a handful of US-trained officials with experience in the complex financial world of Wall Street. This trust, without political condition, hinders his peaceful career towards the re-election of the president, Macri believes in his guru from the Central Bank and the Treasury, and when his learning curve shows that his government has fallen, he counts on his Calabrian instinct, invests a significant portion of external support, and finishes with the IMF a correction plan made society a crisis.

The president still does not accept the rules of traditional politics – "rose", in simple words – and a monetary program that smelled of fuel for the middle class that supported his government dreams was loaded into his public image. Macri competes with CFK or other Peronist prophecies and his triumph in 2019 is unknown that the economic situation is still unclear.

The court, the notebooks and the corruption

Macri is an engineer and has little experience in court. For the first time in democracy, from Raul Alphonsein to the present, the Supreme Court is a political variable that does not meet the immediate impulses of Casa Rosada. The Court's judges are listening to the emigrants of Cambaymos, but they are reluctant to facilitate the institutional program of Balkarce 50. Macri suggests the instability of political relations between the Court and the Presidency, but raises new rules of the game, which in politics traditional assessment such as Calabrian suicide. The President intends the effective independence of the Supreme Court, even if it implies decisions that may affect the reduction in public spending agreed with Christian Lagarde.

The reason Quadernos K questioned Macri's relationship with important businessmen he met when his father, Franco, was a benchmark in the national economy. The President heard the complaints, assessments and opinions close to political tightening. He faced direct relatives, blood friends and representatives of the so- "Home contractor". But he did not move his finger, he did not make a single conversation: he gave Judge Claudio Bonadio and the prosecutors Carlos Stormelli and Carlos Rivolo, who climbed to the levels they had never seen in the history of Comodoro Py.

Macri is concerned about the economic impact of the Cuadernos case and has no doubts about political gestures with his friends throughout his life. When it was obvious that Paolo Roca would be persecuted, the president traveled to Vaca Mutra and posed with Techint's executive director. This gesture describes Makri: he knew the evidence against Rocka and did not care. For the president, friendship has an intrinsic value that goes beyond that investigated in the Buenos Aires court.

The fight against corruption in Argentina is a value that is recognized abroad. The procedural position of Christina and most of her government members appears in any of the conversations Macri encounters each time he landed in the United States and Europe. The president commented on what he knew and then assured that CFK would not return to Casa Rosada. Macri's associates do not understand how Christina can win the presidential election in 2019 despite the open cause she faces in Comodoro Pi's courts. Before this comment, Makri repeated his political outlook and shrugged his shoulders. He is tired of doing the same during each tour that deals with Europe and the United States.

Makri believes that in the beginning of his fourth career, the gradual economy would already reduce inflation to one digit, and that poverty levels could offer a less bleak picture than that obtained by Christina's leadership. But the dream collapsed because of its own mistakes and causes of economic interdependence. However, the President not only successfully organized the G20 summit, but also ratified that the rotten global order maintained it as a regional reference. And this geopolitical support, in turn, allowed the Cambayamo administration to conclude two successive agreements with the International Monetary Fund.

Irrespective of the ideological differences or energy projects related to the global agenda, Macri is supported by Donald Trump, Cing Geing, Vladimir Putin and Emanuel Macron, among other world leaders. In the history of modern Argentinean democracy, there is no history that the president has such international support. Raul Alfonson had Europe, Carlos Menem with the United States and the Kirchner couple with Venezuela and Cuba. Macri is supported by countries from the five continents and, if his economic plan is predicted, his foreign policy seems to be the legacy of his first term.

The president can not offer convincing figures related to the economy, nor can he prove that he has fulfilled his promises of poverty and poverty. Makri, however, is able to prove that there is no corruption in public works and that press freedom is at best. But these are values ​​that belong to the democratic system itself, although in the time of Nestor and Christina they are placed in brackets. Lázaro Báez and 678 are examples of unforgettable time.

Against this background, and despite the different views put forward by Susanna Malkoka and Jorge Fourier, foreign policy is distinguished by the institutional results of the first three years of the presidential term. Makri has linked Argentina to the world and reached the historic event of the G20 summit. It is not enough for a president who is bored when he travels to the UN General Assembly, a mandatory appointment of world diplomacy.


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