The automatic arrangement of the Argentine government with Washington reveals not only the ideology of Argentine foreign policy but also the desire to show itself as the most loyal North American official. Ideological affinity and the simple idea that gestures of subversion can attract investment guidance (as publicly stated arguments) in an elementary way to external relations. In a country without a foreign minister with his own flight, President Mauriceio Macri, with his limited knowledge, reveals Argentina with the most discredited positions in the history of the region.
Venezuela has the largest reserve of high-quality oil in the world. The United States is the main buyer of Venezuelan oil and therefore needs obedience in this country. After Hugo Chavez became president of Venezuela, the United States popularized dissenting talks. The system is not democratic in Saudi Arabia. His government is publicly responsible for persecuting opponents and even kidnapping, torturing, and dissolving dissidents, such as journalist Jamal Hassogi. But the United States defends the Saudi government because it is its ally in the Middle East.
Macri's government was one of the first to obey Washington's interventionism. If you want to attract investment or soften negotiations, experience shows that this is not the case. Two examples: Donald Trump has closed the import of Argentine lemons. For the United States, this is less than a return. But for Argentina this is the main export of Tucuman province. After a lot of twists, the ruling party demonstrates a triumph of misfortune: The United States has accepted lemons in exchange for Argentina to buy pork when nobody wants it, because the pigs have a disease that destroys, expensive production and is very contagious. ,
Second "successful" talks: The US has increased taxes on imports of steel and aluminum. In the overturned Argentina fell. Again the negotiating table and finally the government declared it a triumph that managed to cut taxes on these Argentine products. It is considered that they set a quota for which Argentina should reduce steel exports to the United States by ten percent and exports of aluminum by 25 percent. They were interested in three cucumbers, lemons or whatever they could collect with taxes. What the free market champions wanted was to sell their pigmeat and avoid competition on its domestic market for imported steel and aluminum.
The subordination of Washington's foreign policy did not bring benefits, but bad attitude and humiliation. The promised investments did not come, and on the contrary, Trump insisted on replacing Russian and Chinese investments without replacing them. In return, the US has facilitated the IMF loan. In the midst of Trump's uprising to Makri at the G20 summit, the Argentine president thanked in a pathetic way for government, which condemned several generations of Argentinians to poverty.
Trump's spiteful and superb abuse at the G-20 meeting of submissive Macri, full of useful gestures and attitudes, reflects the connection the Hegemonic Government creates with a new country.
But 2019 is a year of election, and Makri's popularity in the Venezuelan question shows he is also trying to install it as a campaign theme to equate Maduro with the Kirchner governments. Sergio Massa and Juan Manuel Urtubay agreed with the ruling party, just as they did from the inauguration of Macri, in line with the official radicals of Cambemos. But the Victory Front, including PJ, voiced his defense of the right of self-determination of peoples and of foreign interventionism in Venezuela.
The question about Venezuela is not a democracy, but a government that does not agree with Washington, and that the country is an important supplier of oil. There is no dictatorship in Venezuela to take power through an assault. There is an election-winning president and a constituent assembly convened and elected, as established in this Constitution. The United States says it is not. This is a dubious assertion and therefore no one can make an absolute disqualification that justifies an attempt at a parliamentary coup as the opposition the White House is trying to do.
If there is no dictatorship, but clashes between government and opposition, the principle of free self-determination of peoples without foreign intervention rules. The implementation of the ODA Democratic Charter does not even apply.
On the other hand, the one who has never been elected president is the opposition Juan Guido. It is paradoxical that this is the accusation made by the United States to Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro who was voted in an election in which a sector of the opposition did not participate because he knew he would lose.
Maduro acknowledges his defeat when the opposition won the December 2015 elections, which gave him control over the Legislative Assembly. After the triumph, the opposition turned Parliament into a parallel presidency. After two years of paralysis, Maduro called the National Assembly and the opposition began many violent street demonstrations that ended with more than a hundred dead on both sides.
Until then, the opposition believed it could win the election again. In 2015, a large number of Chavistas refrained from voting, disgusted by the economic crisis. Two years of ineffective confrontations between Parliament and the executive, as well as the violence of opposition demonstrations by the opposition to this sector, which was once again called on by the government. Chavez, the warrior, went to look for him and voted for thousands who had abstained before. In this context, the opposition lost the regional elections, and then the presidential ones. In all these situations, the opposition was divided, there were sectors that participated, and others did not.
Elections were clean, with more or less participation. There is no real institutional argumentation for this diplomatic offensive, which ended in a previous intervention with direct intervention.
The severe economic crisis suffered by Venezuela can not be an argument for interference or blockade. This is a consequence of a monopolistic oil side. Diversification of its economy would be very expensive compared to oil rents, but it is still needed. No country is diversified. And when the price of oil collapsed, so did the Venezuelan economy.
With the highest inflation since 1991, with a hyper and a record decline in the economy, Argentina is the closest thing to Venezuela, with the difference that the crisis in Argentina is not structural, like Venezuela, but originates from the inadequacy of the government of Venezuela. Makri.
There is no unanimity about Venezuela in the world and in international organizations. In the OAA, ruled exclusively by Washington, and in particular by ultra-conservative Vice President Mike Pens, 16 countries supported Washington's policy, but another 18 did not. In Europe, the issue raised a strong contradiction. There are more states that recognize the presidency of Maduro than those that accompany the United States. Russia and China have warned against military intervention.
At international level these votes are exchanged for other votes on other issues. This mechanism does not work because it is obvious in the world that the self-proclaiming of the Guadai opposition has no real impact inside Venezuela and that it would never have been possible unless it was previously planned in Washington or Miami. Pens met at the White House with representatives of the 16 Allied governments the night before the OAS vote. And then he made a speech that was broadcast from the regional media circuits to support Guaydo's attempt for a parliamentary coup.
Maduro interrupted his relations with the United States, but Donald Trump said he did not know about his authority and that the embassy staff would remain in Venezuela. It was a prelude to a military conflict. Maduro would have to drive the diplomats out of the country and Trump would send troops to protect them. Eventually Trump relaxed, which meant an implicit acknowledgment of Maduro's authority.
The United States is expecting a military coup or created conditions for external intervention. The demonstrations of the opposition and Chavismo were very similar to the first day. The next day the street acts swayed in different neighborhoods and were stronger. In this context, the armed forces and the judiciary recognized President Maduro.
The tragedies of Iraq, Syria and Libya are very present in the world. They were conquered with the same excuses that are now excited against Venezuela and provoked internal wars continued to this day. They have already added hundreds of thousands of casualties and billions of losses. The government of Maurizio Macri wants to associate Argentina with such a catastrophe in the region and at the same time put the dramatic Venezuelan crisis as a campaign issue to tackle its huge failure in the economy.